The nexus of faith and politics part one. I'm working up to writing more coherently about this as it seems to me important in understanding the development of policy here. It is also something which I am profoundly interested in, and have always been troubled by. But to warm up, a vignette.
Before I left, my men's group at church kindly gave me a book called American Theocracy written by Kevin Phillips. Phillips is an ex Republican strategist and was, I believe, a staffer in the Nixon White House. He is not, therefore, a typical critic of the Bush administration. He is, nevertheless, a trenchant one. His thesis is essentially that the Bush administration has been a “perfect storm” of fundamentalist religion having far too much power, manipulation of policy to suit the needs of oil men, and excessive borrowing at federal, corporate and individual level (which is clearly a great crime for fiscal conservatives). Such a combination he sees as analogous to the end stages of all historic empires from Rome to Britain and hence presages bad times ahead for America. Part of his thesis is, of course, the millennial obsession of the end-timers and its influence on Republican middle east policy (which he sees as disastrously one-eyed).
In contrast, the last two weeks have seen much discussion over here about the release of another book, Tempting Faith by David Kuo. Kuo is interesting, he was the deputy director of the faith-based initiative office inside the Bush White House, the department responsible for hiving off the provision of social services to church groups. Now I think this is a bad policy for a whole host of reasons, but, to be fair, Kuo seems to have been sincerely motivated by a concern for the poor: and to be someone who could be held up as evidence that “compassionate conservative” is not always an oxymoron. He was also either a bit naïve going into work in the White House or he has had some sort of crisis of conscience since. Kuo has raised interest and hackles in equal measure by exposing the dishonesty, cynicism and hypocrisy with which the administration viewed and used the faith based programme.
From what I have seen from news reports and reviews of the book, his critique is basically four-fold.
1 The Republican machine publicly lauded the more notorious leaders of the religious right while privately holding them in contempt. They had no concern for the religious right's agenda but wanted their votes.
2 The president deliberately lied about a new $8bn dollars being made available for faith based welfare programmes, when this money was in fact already available to the programmes – the actual new money was less than 1 per cent of $8bn.
3 The mega tax-cut for the mega-wealthy was paid for by stopping the very federal programmes that were actually funding faith based welfare, and so the poor suffered.
4 There was political chicanery around how the office was used which was designed to help Republicans in close seats.
Of these charges, 1 and 4 seem to me of lesser significance. Of course, politicians will seek to exploit programmes to win marginal seats, name one place where that doesn't happen. I also detect a distinct whiff of hypocrisy around the horror that has greeted the news that Rove (or was it Rove's office) thought Pat Robertson was “nuts”, Jerry Falwell “goofy” and James Dobson “out of control”. Er- I think that's what most people think actually, particularly the media commentators saying how outrageous it was that Rove said it.
The second accusation is again fairly unsurprising, double counting new money is kind of de rigeur; although there is something pretty distasteful about the casual way that Bush apparently decided to lie.
The third charge seems to me the really serious one. This is the substantive policy decision, this is the substantial moral issue. To take from the poor to give to the rich is a serious issue, something which is profoundly destructive to individuals and to society – especially in a society with such a flimsy welfare safety net as the US. There is also something ironic, if not nauseating, about trumpeting your Christian credentials and then ignoring Amos and Micah, even Christ himself (eg Luke 6:20-26 ) while taking from the indigent to give to the “haves and have mores”.
Leaving that aside, the complex issue is who is right, Phillips or Kuo? Logically, it cannot be true that the administration is dominated by dangerous fundamentalists but regards them with contempt at the same time. It cannot be the case that the religious right's agenda is distorting policy and being ignored simultaneously. So who is using who?
I suspect that the answer is that both are seeking to use the other. 'Twas ever the case with coalitions. There is little logical common ground between social authoritarians and small-government libertarians, beyond a dislike of “big government” (although both mean different things by this). Who has most successfully used the other? Well probably the administration (notably the 2004 election victory – although one needs to be a little careful about how this is interpreted). Does the Kuo book represent a severing of the religious right's umbilical link with the Republican Party? I think it is unlikely that the GOP will get such a large proportion of self-identified conservative evangelicals voting for them at the mid-terms, but I think the situation is far more fractured and less monolithic than one assumes from England. I also think that some of these terms need translation to be properly understood.
So was Phillips wrong in his assessment? Not entirely, but doing him justice will require a lot more time and space than I have here.